Complexity Scales and Licensing Strength in Phonology

Eugeniusz Cyran
ISBN: 83-7363-003-1
Stron: 338
Format: B5
Rok wydania: 2003


Contents

Acknowledgements

Preface

I. SUBSTANTIVE COMPLEXITY
1. Introduction
2. The Element Theory in Government Phonology
2.1. Representing vowels
2.2. Representing consonants
2.2.1. Place
2.2.2. Manner
2.2.3. Source
3. Complexity and syllabification
4. Substantive complexity effects in Irish
4.1. Features vs. elements in vocalic alternations
4.2. Substantive conditions on Irish epenthesis
4.3. Segmental inventories and complexity
5. Initial consonant mutations in Welsh
5.1. Introduction
5.2. Soft Mutation
5.3. Aspirate Mutation
5.4. Nasal Mutation
5.5. Hard Mutation
5.6. Representing Welsh consonants
5.7. A new analysis of Welsh mutations
5.8. The morphophonology of mutations
6. Summary and conclusions

II. FORMAL COMPLEXITY
1. Introduction
2.Syllabificaiton
2.1. Basic facts
2.2. Government
2.3. Licensing
3. Syllable markedness as a scale of formal complexity
3.1. Syllable markedness
3.2. Problems with parameters
3.3. Syllabic complexity is scalar
4. The licensing properties of different nuclear types
4.1. The schwa vowel in Dutch
4.2. Light and heavy clusters
4.3. The word-final context and the scale of licensers
4.4. Licensing properties of nuclei in Polish
5. The right edge of the word in Malayalam
5.1. The no-coda hypothesis
5.2. Basic facts of clustering in Malayalam
5.3. Licensing properties: full vowels vs. empty nuclei
5.4. A typology of licensing discrepancies
5.5. Melodic restrictions on final onsets
5.6. Conclusion
6. Empty nuclei and complex clusters
6.1. Sources of empty nuclei and licensing mechanisms in standard GP
6.2. Principles and parameters in conflict - towards a solution
6.3. Licensing of clusters without licensing of empty positions
7. Polish as a CV language?
7.1. Introduction
7.2. Branching onsets in Polish
7.2.1. Proper Government across branching onsets
7.2.2. Government Licensing
7.2.3. BrO vs. ONO in verbal prefixation in Polish
7.2.4. The morphophonology of the prefixed forms
7.2.5. Word-final contexts
7.2.6. Morphophonology vs. RIO at the right edge
7.2.7. Substantive restrictions on final RIO
7.3. Branching rhymes lost
7.4. Morphophonology and phonotactic paradoxes at the right edge
7.5. Conclusion
8. Summary and conclusions

III. THE PHONOLOGICAL STRUCTURE OF WORDS
1. Introduction
1.1. Theoretical assumptions
2. Lexicon optimisation
2.1. Elimination of liquid diphthongs in Slavic
2.2. Distribution of licensing in the phonological word
2.3. Late Common Slavic prosody
2.4. Elimination of RT clusters - a foot-based analysis
2.5. Irish metathesis as a stress related phenomenon
2.6. Modern Bulgarian ar / rs shifts - a case for phonologically grounded Optimality?
2.7. A typology of expected liquid metathesis
2.8. The non-exceptionality of TURTin Slavic
2.9. Jers and clusters in the history of Slavic
2.10. The phonological conditions on liquid metathesis - conclusions
3. Clustering at word edges
3.1. Introduction
3.2. Branching rhymes revisited
3.3. Branching rhymes CV-lised
3.3.1. Epenthesis and compensatory lengthening
3.3.2. The double licensing of LIO?
3.3.3. More on Dutch schwa
3.4. The magic of the left edge
3.4.1. The left edge of the word in Polish
3.5. Magic: left, right and centre
3.6. Conclusions
4. Chapter summary

Conclusion
References